Recent scholarship on the so-called battle between science and faith has revisited the reception of John William Draper’s Historical past of the Battle Between Faith and Science (1875) and Andrew Dickson White’s A Historical past of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (1896).[1] Certainly, opposite to frequent notion, Draper and White didn’t body science and faith as inherently antagonistic; their positions have been way more complicated and nuanced.
This complexity is mirrored within the various public responses to their works, the place three predominant patterns emerge.[2] First, the extra liberal press heralded Draper and White’s narratives as facilitating a “new Reformation.” They seen the battle rhetoric as instrumental in advocating for a distinction between faith and theology, and as a vital step in the direction of aligning religion with modernity.
In distinction, orthodox non secular critics discovered such separation untenable. For them, religion was inseparable from doctrinal foundations, they usually regarded Draper and White’s strategy as a direct menace to Christianity, condemning their works as traditionally inaccurate and ideologically harmful.
In the meantime, secularists and atheists appropriated Draper and White’s battle thesis to advance their very own agendas. They interpreted it as an indictment of all non secular perception, deploying the language of battle to erode religion totally, whereas discovering it paradoxical that Draper and White themselves retained non secular convictions.
Looking back, the anxieties of conservative critics weren’t totally misplaced. Right here I’ll examine how early twentieth-century skeptics appropriated and remodeled the battle thesis right into a extra secular narrative, considerably broadening its affect.
Organized Freethought in Victorian England
Liberal Protestantism, rising from the Enlightenment and Romanticism, sought to align faith with up to date values and scientific understanding. Nonetheless, this modernization typically led to a deeper questioning of faith’s relevance. As James Turner famous, faith was more and more humanized, making it possible “to desert God, to imagine merely in man.”[3]
Whereas liberal Protestants tailored their religion, skeptics doubted whether or not faith retained any substantive worth. Leslie Stephen, as an example, critiqued Matthew Arnold’s concept of preserving a “sublimated essence of theology,” questioning whether or not aesthetic judgments may maintain non secular perception within the absence of doctrinal foundations.[4] By the late nineteenth century, these theological concessions helped pave the way in which for organized secularism to realize societal respectability.
Victorian freethought inherited various traditions, significantly the Enlightenment’s dedication to motive and Deist rules. In mid-nineteenth-century England, “secularism” emerged as a philosophical motion, deeply influenced by Thomas Paine’s The Age of Cause (1793). Paine denounced the church as enslaving humanity, advocating for religion in motive and a “Faith of Humanity.” His critique of the Bible as inconsistent and mythological laid the groundwork for radical freethought.
Freethought, tracing its roots to English Deists, discovered resonance with the Protestant Reformation’s spirit of liberating non secular thought from clerical authority.[5] Figures like Richard Carlile, Robert Taylor, Robert Owen, and Charles Southwell have been key advocates of freethought, pushing for self-improvement, schooling, and reform. Carlile, imprisoned for reprinting Paine’s The Age of Cause, noticed the printing press as a instrument to dismantle the “double yoke” of “Kingcraft and Priestcraft,” utilizing publications to rally in opposition to non secular and political establishments.
As public opinion grew extra tolerant and English society grew to become extra steady, freethinkers adopted a much less combative stance. By mid-century, main figures institutionalized irreligion on an unprecedented scale, shifting from radical opposition to a broader, extra accepted promotion of secularism.
The Rise of Radical Freethought within the Late Nineteenth Century
The late nineteenth century marked a golden age for radical freethought, throughout which freethinkers celebrated the liberation of humanity from non secular constraints. This motion, led by figures similar to George Jacob Holyoake, Charles Bradlaugh, Robert G. Ingersoll, and Joseph M. McCabe, prolonged its affect throughout each city and rural areas by way of tracts, pamphlets, and magazines.
Apparently, many freethinkers got here from liberal Protestant backgrounds. Students like Leigh Eric Schmidt and Christopher Grasso have highlighted the complicated relationship between American Protestantism and secularism.[6] For example, Robert Ingersoll, raised by a liberal Presbyterian minister, finally favored science over non secular perception. Equally, Samuel P. Putnam’s rejection of theism was formed by liberal non secular concepts from figures like Channing and Emerson. Many American Protestants, navigating from liberalism to infidelity, demonstrated the intersection of Protestantism and secularism, revealing a matrix of rivalry, alliance, and opposition.
In Britain, secularism superior by way of each secularists and agnostics. As Bernie Lightman noticed, whereas Thomas H. Huxley used agnosticism to distance himself from atheism, secularists more and more employed the time period to articulate atheistic views. But secularists acknowledged the affect of thinkers like Spencer, Huxley, and Tyndall, whilst they criticized agnostics and spiritual liberals for compromising with faith.
Foote’s Freethinker journal ridiculed agnostics who attended church, and Bradlaugh condemned figures like Huxley and Spencer for “mental vacillation” in failing to advertise materialism totally.[7] Darwin, too, confronted Bradlaugh’s criticism for what was seen as pandering to spiritual norms, particularly in securing his place in Westminster Abbey.[8]
In the end, figures like Bradlaugh have been perplexed by agnostics who, of their view, remained too carefully tied to spiritual traditions.
Responses from Agnostics and the Evolving Secularist Panorama
Agnostics typically responded to critiques with sharp rebuttals. Thomas Huxley, a number one determine within the agnostic motion, expressed disdain for sure parts throughout the freethought neighborhood. He criticized a lot of its literature, dismissing what he noticed as “heterodox ribaldry,” which he discovered extra distasteful than orthodox fanaticism. Huxley argued that attacking Christianity with scurrilous rhetoric was counterproductive, significantly in England, the place such strategies have been outdated. He harbored a “peculiar abhorrence” for Charles Bradlaugh and his associates.
Bernie Lightman has demonstrated that Huxley and his scientific naturalist friends have been repelled by Bradlaugh’s coarse atheism.[9] In correspondence with agnostic Richard Bithell, Huxley declined to help Charles Watts, criticizing freethought literature as repetitive and tiresome. He lamented how such works alienated considerate readers, noting: “It’s monstrous that I can’t let one in all these professed organs of Freethought lie upon my desk with out somebody asking if I approve of this réchauffé of Voltaire or Paine.”[10]
Even reasonable freethinkers like George Jacob Holyoake confronted discrimination from agnostics. Though Holyoake and Herbert Spencer have been longtime mates, Spencer refused Holyoake’s proposal to journey collectively to America in 1882, fearing it might be seen as an endorsement of Holyoake’s concepts.
Regardless of this, Holyoake remained a central determine amongst secularists. Raised in a non secular family, his path led him by way of Christian denominations and finally to freethought and naturalism. Holyoake typically referenced his Christian upbringing to bolster his credibility as a freethinker, utilizing his non secular previous to boost his standing as a critic of faith.[11]
Holyoake’s Secularism and Its Affect
Throughout his research, George Jacob Holyoake encountered Robert Owen’s teachings and joined the Owenite motion as a “social missionary.” By 1843, he had taken over The Oracle of Cause and later based The Reasoner and Herald of Progress, which grew to become one of many longest-running freethought publications. All through the 1850s, Holyoake traveled broadly, advocating for social reform and interesting in debates with non secular opponents.
In 1849, Holyoake designated The Reasoner as “secular,” and in 1851, coined the time period “secularism” to explain his freethought philosophy. He noticed secularism as targeted on this life, differentiating it from atheism by attracting theists and deists whereas avoiding the damaging connotations of atheism. Holyoake’s secularism centered on social reform somewhat than non secular critique, arguing that salvation, if it existed, was achieved by way of works, not religion. By selling secularism, Holyoake sought collaboration with Christian liberals to advance rational morality.
In 1855, Holyoake and his brother Austin established a printing home on Fleet Road to distribute secularist literature. As president of the London Secular Society, Holyoake first met Charles Bradlaugh. In contrast to Bradlaugh, Holyoake advocated cooperation amongst unbelievers, deists, and liberal theists to advertise social reform, encouraging atheists to collaborate with liberal clergy to bridge the hole between secularists and Christian liberals.
The Watts Legacy and Secular Propaganda
Most significantly, George Jacob Holyoake’s conciliatory strategy to secularism was embraced by Charles Watts and his son, Charles Albert Watts. In 1884, Charles Albert took a big step towards consolidating secularist efforts by publishing the Agnostic Annual, marking a shift towards higher coordination throughout the secular motion.
The story of the Watts household’s contribution to freethought is well-documented.[12] Charles Watts, initially a Wesleyan minister’s son, grew to become concerned with Bradlaugh’s Nationwide Reformer earlier than distancing himself after the “Knowlton affair” and aligning with Holyoake’s moral humanism. By the Eighties, he took over Austin Holyoake’s printing agency and have become a number one rationalist writer. He finally left the enterprise to his son, Charles Albert, who sought to draw middle-class unbelievers by selling agnosticism by way of the Agnostic Annual. Regardless of an incident the place Huxley publicly disavowed any connection to the Annual, Charles Albert’s relationships with scientific naturalists remained intact.
Charles Albert expanded his efforts by publishing The Agnostic and establishing the “Agnostic Temple” in 1885, providing literature and holding conferences grounded in Spencer’s concepts. That very same 12 months, he launched Watts’s Literary Information, a month-to-month publication catering to working-class and lower-middle-class audiences. The Information, which finally grew to become the New Humanist, featured works from notable figures like Spencer, Huxley, Darwin, and Draper, typically depicting the battle between theology and science in dramatic phrases.
Charles Albert additionally established the Propagandist Press Committee to additional the distribution of rationalist literature, efficiently increasing each the subscriber base and the visibility of secular publications.
Charles Albert Watts and the Rationalist Press Affiliation
By the late nineteenth century, Charles Albert Watts had based Watts & Co., and in 1899, his group of rationalists shaped the Rationalist Press Affiliation (RPA). Evolving from the Propagandist Press Committee, the RPA sought to advertise freedom of thought in ethics, theology, and philosophy whereas advocating secular schooling and difficult conventional non secular creeds. The RPA revealed books on faith, biblical criticism, and mental progress, emphasizing the perceived battle between science and faith and advocating secular ethical instruction.
The RPA featured works from key figures like Joseph McCabe and John M. Robertson. McCabe, a former Jesuit and prolific writer, predicted the downfall of Christianity by way of scientific naturalism and biblical criticism. His Biographical Dictionary of Trendy Rationalists celebrated Draper and White, although he acknowledged that each have been theists. McCabe seen Draper’s work as rationalist literature and praised White’s contribution to rationalism whereas noting his goal to purify, somewhat than destroy, Christianity.[13]
John M. Robertson, in his Historical past of Freethought within the Nineteenth Century (1929), referred to Draper’s Mental Improvement as a key contribution to rationalist tradition. He argued that Draper’s theism was probably a results of social strain however acknowledged the naturalistic strategy in his work.[14] Different secularists like Joseph Mazzini Wheeler and Samuel P. Putnam equally acknowledged Draper and White as freethinkers, with Putnam seeing the Reformation as a precursor to the eventual decline of Protestantism and Roman Catholicism.[15]
Within the early twentieth century, the RPA expanded its affect by reprinting “Rationalist classics” utilizing mass-production methods. Charles Albert Watts collaborated with publishers like Macmillan to provide reasonably priced editions of influential works, distributing six-penny editions of texts by authors similar to Darwin, Huxley, Spencer, Paine, and notably Draper and White. Draper’s work, which he noticed as a preface to a broader departure from “the religion of the fathers,” was integral to the RPA’s mission to succeed in a wider viewers with rationalist concepts.
Origins of American Freethought
The roots of American freethought hint again to Thomas Paine, whose affect stays foundational. Freethought, as a motion, challenges established beliefs and seeks data, empowering residents to discern reality and strengthen democracy. Freethinkers advocate motive over ardour or outdated customs, overlapping with rationalism, secularism, and skepticism.
Paine’s Frequent Sense (1776) electrified America and have become a rallying cry for revolution. His later works, The Rights of Man (1791) and The Age of Cause (1794), extra immediately engaged with freethought, with The Age of Cause launching a daring assault on organized faith. Declaring himself a deist, Paine famously said, “my very own thoughts is my very own church.” For his views, he was censored, ridiculed, and ostracized upon his return to America. Even Thomas Jefferson distanced himself. Paine died in 1809, practically forgotten, his funeral attended by just a few. It was solely after the Civil Battle that freethought gained new life within the U.S.
Secularism, although much less organized than in Britain, grew in prominence after the Civil Battle. James Turner notes that agnosticism emerged as a self-sustaining phenomenon inside twenty years.[16] Robert G. Ingersoll, often known as the “Nice Agnostic,” grew to become the chief exponent of this motion, main the “Golden Age of Freethought” (1875–1914). Ingersoll’s oratory revived Paine’s tarnished repute, defending his legacy in essays like Vindication of Thomas Paine (1877). Ingersoll himself opposed faith, which value him his political profession, although he diverged from Paine on points like socialism.[17]
Ingersoll’s freethought views have been complicated. Although the son of a minister, he grew to abhor faith, and this stance value him his political profession, which ended whereas he was nonetheless in his twenties. His story displays the broader problem confronted by the freethought motion, which struggled to realize mainstream acceptance. A mere accusation of being anti-religious may destroy a politician’s possibilities. Ingersoll himself opposed socialism, diverging from a few of Paine’s extra progressive concepts.
Ingersoll’s dying in 1899 marked the tip of an period. In contrast to Paine, he was neither poor nor forgotten, and even his critics admired his eloquence and talent to attach with audiences throughout the social spectrum.
Freethinkers Reply to Draper
Freethinkers like Joseph Deal with and T. D. Corridor seized upon Draper’s Historical past of the Battle Between Faith and Science as a robust instrument of their efforts to advertise secularism and problem Christianity. Deal with, in correspondence with Draper, argued that Christianity had constantly hindered real scientific inquiry. He praised Draper’s work for exposing this historic antagonism, asserting that Draper had liberated science from the “bondage” of Christian affect.
Corridor, in his pamphlet Can Christianity Be Made to Harmonize with Science?, echoed Deal with’s appreciation of Draper’s readability however critiqued him for stopping wanting declaring an outright incompatibility between science and Christianity. Corridor insisted that Draper lacked the boldness to acknowledge Christianity’s inevitable collapse within the face of scientific progress. As soon as Christianity’s central doctrines—such because the Fall, Atonement, and Resurrection—have been stripped away, Corridor believed, the faith would unravel totally.
These voices have been a part of a broader American freethought motion, led by publications like Fact Seeker, based by D. M. Bennett in 1876. Fact Seeker and teams just like the Nationwide Liberal League united freethinkers, rationalists, and spiritual skeptics in advocating for the whole secularization of society.
Throughout the Atlantic, Draper’s narrative additionally resonated with British freethinkers, significantly by way of Charles Albert Watts and the Rationalist Press Affiliation. Watts, through his Watts’s Literary Information (later New Humanist), handled Draper’s work as a cornerstone for selling secularism and rationalism. The Rationalist Press Affiliation revealed works that undermined conventional non secular views, with outstanding figures like John M. Robertson and Joseph M. Wheeler constantly citing Draper’s evaluation to help their campaigns for secular schooling and spiritual criticism.
For Robertson, Draper’s naturalistic outlook made his work indispensable to the freethought motion, regardless of Draper’s personal theological leanings. Equally, Wheeler and Samuel P. Putnam built-in Draper’s arguments into their broader critiques of faith, utilizing his historic evaluation not merely as a chronicle of science however as a potent instrument within the battle to free society from non secular dominance.
Freethinkers on either side of the Atlantic adopted Draper’s narrative to legitimize their perception within the elementary incompatibility of science and faith. By means of their publications, organizations, and correspondence, they remodeled Draper’s work right into a weapon for advancing a secular society, one free from the affect of spiritual establishments.
Freethinkers Reply to White
Freethinkers, as they did with Draper, appropriated Andrew Dickson White’s A Historical past of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom to additional their secular agenda. Publications like The American Free Thought Journal praised White’s work for illustrating the historic battle to modernize Christian theology, framing it as a triumph of science over non secular dogma. The journal argued that White’s historical past was important for any freethinker’s library, not merely for cataloging non secular errors however for celebrating science’s victories.
In England, thinkers like Alfred W. Benn positioned White alongside luminaries similar to Buckle, Draper, and Lecky. Nonetheless, Benn expressed frustration with White’s reluctance to completely reject Christianity, arguing that his conclusions logically pointed to the abandonment of its doctrines. For Benn and others, White’s work symbolized the deepening battle between rational thought and spiritual perception.
White’s work additionally drew criticism from outstanding atheists like Edward Payson Evans and Elizabeth Edson Gibson Evans. They have been perplexed by White’s makes an attempt to reconcile faith and science. Elizabeth criticized White’s refusal to completely disbelieve in faith, insisting that science had constantly debunked non secular claims. Edward accused White of being overly beneficiant to faith, contending that the battle between science and religion was irreconcilable.
This stress was additional evident in White’s interactions with Robert G. Ingersoll, the famend agnostic orator. Whereas Ingersoll appreciated White’s contribution to mental openness and his critique of spiritual authority, he noticed White’s lingering non secular sentiment as pointless. Ingersoll dismissed Christianity as not value saving, sarcastically asking why God would make truth-seeking secure now after permitting it to be harmful for hundreds of years.
Regardless of White’s reluctance to completely embrace secularism, freethinkers eagerly adopted his work to undermine non secular establishments. Charles Albert Watts, a outstanding British secularist, revealed intensive evaluations of White’s e book within the Watts’s Literary Information, encouraging White to jot down for the secularist Annual. Though White declined, secularists continued to make use of his work to advance their trigger.
White himself was unsettled by this reception. He had aimed to supply a balanced critique, addressing each non secular “scoffers” like Ingersoll and the non secular “gush” of figures like John Henry Newman. In personal, he expressed to his secretary George Lincoln Burr that he sought to current “the reality as it’s in Jesus,” however each non secular and irreligious readers typically misinterpreted his work as an assault on religion itself.
In conclusion, whereas White’s intentions have been extra conciliatory than Draper’s, freethinkers and secularists embraced his narrative as a part of their broader efforts to secularize society. No matter White’s private beliefs, his work grew to become a cornerstone within the mental marketing campaign to discredit non secular authority and advance rationalism.
Joseph McCabe and the “Land of Bunk”
Probably the most important secularists to applicable Draper and White’s battle thesis was Joseph McCabe, a former Franciscan monk turned outspoken atheist. McCabe believed that science and know-how wouldn’t solely resolve society’s issues but additionally result in a extra rational and egalitarian world. His translation of Ernst Haeckel’s The Riddle of the Universe (1900) launched Haeckel’s concepts to English-speaking audiences, and regardless of McCabe’s lack of formal scientific coaching, this affiliation lent authority to his writings. A prolific writer, McCabe produced over 200 books on science, historical past, and faith, championing evolutionary thought and forecasting Christianity’s inevitable demise within the face of recent science.
McCabe’s private journey mirrored his mental transformation. Raised in a Franciscan monastery, the place he took the identify Brother Antony, McCabe was affected by doubts about Christianity. His experiences within the monastery, marked by bodily struggling and mental battle, finally led him to go away the priesthood in 1895. His account, Twelve Years in a Monastery (1897), detailed his disillusionment with the Church and marked his formal break with faith. From that time on, McCabe grew to become a relentless advocate for atheism, insisting that science, not faith, held the solutions to life’s nice questions.
McCabe’s partnership with Kansas-based writer Emanuel Haldeman-Julius was one of many defining collaborations of his profession. Haldeman-Julius, identified for his “Little Blue Books” sequence, offered reasonably priced and accessible literature on matters starting from politics to science. McCabe grew to become the sequence’ most prolific contributor, writing 134 Little Blue Books and over 100 Huge Blue Books. Haldeman-Julius praised McCabe as “the best scholar on this planet,” crediting his works with advancing humanity’s cultural progress.
This partnership gave McCabe a renewed sense of goal, particularly after dealing with private {and professional} setbacks in Britain. By 1925, after separating from his spouse and severing ties with key British publishers, McCabe discovered each monetary stability and mental validation by way of his collaboration with Haldeman-Julius. Over the next years, McCabe produced an immense physique of labor, incomes substantial earnings whereas persevering with to problem non secular orthodoxy.
Certainly one of McCabe’s most influential works, The Battle Between Science and Faith (1927), basically echoed Draper’s narrative however with a tone of triumph. McCabe confidently predicted that future historians would regard the denial of the science-religion battle as laughable. He argued that “science has, ever since its delivery, been in battle with faith,” with Christianity as its “most threatening opponent.”
McCabe’s critique prolonged past conventional non secular beliefs. He reserved explicit scorn for modernist and liberal theologians, dismissing their makes an attempt to reconcile Christianity with science as “the veriest piece of bunk that Modernism ever invented.” In McCabe’s view, rejecting Christianity’s core doctrines—whether or not by way of scientific reinterpretation or in any other case—was tantamount to rejecting Christianity totally. For him, “progressive faith” was a contradiction, and those that embraced it have been deluding themselves.
Mockingly, McCabe used arguments much like these of conservative Christians, accusing liberal theologians like Shailer Mathews of undermining Christianity’s foundations. He argued that makes an attempt to reconcile science with faith have been futile, provided that science operated as a unified discipline whereas faith had by no means achieved such coherence. McCabe quipped that making use of science to faith would require addressing “300 completely different collections of spiritual beliefs,” making any reconciliation inconceivable.
In McCabe’s remaining evaluation, whether or not one adhered to orthodox Christianity or its modernist variants, the battle with science was inevitable. He contended that modernists, in decreasing God to abstractions like “Cosmic Drive” or “Very important Precept,” had gutted faith of any significant content material. Each fundamentalists and modernists, McCabe concluded, inhabited the identical “land of bunk,” unable to acknowledge the inherent incompatibility between science and faith.
Emanuel Haldeman-Julius and the Philosophy of the “Little Blue Books”
Emanuel Haldeman-Julius, later often known as the “Henry Ford of publishing,” was born to Jewish immigrants in Philadelphia and grew up in a secular family. Although his formal schooling ended within the eighth grade, his ardour for studying and self-education formed his early worldview. Influenced by thinkers like Omar Khayyam, Voltaire, and Robert Ingersoll, he developed a deep rejection of faith, figuring out as a materialist and dismissing the notion of an afterlife. His early publicity to low-cost pamphlets like The Rubaiyat and The Ballad of Studying Gaol ignited his need to make literature accessible to the plenty.
In 1915, Haldeman-Julius moved to Girard, Kansas, the place he labored for the socialist newspaper Attraction to Cause. After marrying Annie Haldeman, niece of social reformer Jane Addams, he bought the paper and commenced distributing pamphlets, marking the start of his publishing empire. His imaginative and prescient of offering reasonably priced, pocket-sized booklets on a variety of matters took form within the Little Blue Books sequence, which coated literature, philosophy, science, and faith, and initially bought for simply 5 cents. These pamphlets aimed to supply a “college in print” for working- and middle-class readers, providing entry to concepts historically reserved for the educated elite.
The Little Blue Books grew to become an enormous success, with over 500 million copies bought. Haldeman-Julius’s advertising genius—utilizing sensational advertisements like “Books are cheaper than hamburgers!”—helped unfold his freethought and socialist concepts. He revealed works by influential authors similar to Shakespeare, Twain, Darwin, and Emerson, alongside freethought titles like Why I Am an Atheist and The Bible Unmasked, which challenged non secular orthodoxy. His objective was to democratize data and encourage important considering, significantly in opposition to non secular and political authority.
Central to Haldeman-Julius’s success was his collaboration with Joseph McCabe, a former monk turned atheist and prolific author. McCabe contributed considerably to the Little Blue Books, with works like The Story of Spiritual Controversy, a key textual content that attacked Christianity and promoted a rationalist worldview. Collectively, McCabe and Haldeman-Julius noticed their work as a method to fight what they seen because the mental stagnation of spiritual dogma.
Regardless of the sequence’ success, Haldeman-Julius confronted criticism for the combination of high-quality literature with much less scholarly content material. H. L. Mencken famously remarked that the Little Blue Books contained “extraordinarily good books” alongside “unutterable drivel.” Nonetheless, the sequence continued to thrive, providing over 2,000 titles on a variety of topics from basic literature to freethought.
Haldeman-Julius’s personal contributions to the sequence typically included sharp critiques of faith. He dismissed makes an attempt to reform faith as futile, arguing that modernism was merely a strategy to escape the mental difficulties of religion with out embracing rationalism. He seen faith as “medieval” and atheism as “trendy,” believing that science and the social sciences offered the instruments to debunk non secular beliefs. Pamphlets like Is Science the New Faith? and The That means of Modernism mirrored his disdain for makes an attempt to reconcile science and religion, which he noticed as inherently contradictory.
At its peak, Haldeman-Julius’s publishing empire grew to become the biggest mail-order publishing home on this planet, primarily based within the small city of Girard, Kansas. By 1921, he was promoting over one million Little Blue Books every month, reflecting the widespread urge for food for accessible schooling and freethought. He argued that the success of his sequence demonstrated a rising tendency towards skepticism and mental independence in America.
Nonetheless, the post-World Battle II rise of conservatism and the anti-communist fervor of the McCarthy period led to a decline within the affect of Haldeman-Julius’s publications. He continued to publish controversial pamphlets, together with The F.B.I.: The Foundation of an American Police State (1948), however confronted rising harassment from the federal government. In 1951, after being convicted of tax evasion, Haldeman-Julius was discovered useless underneath mysterious circumstances.
Regardless of his private and monetary struggles in his later years, Haldeman-Julius’s influence on American mental life was profound. His Little Blue Books introduced refined concepts and literature to the plenty, serving to to foster a tradition of skepticism, important considering, and freethought in early twentieth-century America.
Conclusion
Thus by the early twentieth century, Draper, White, and the scientific naturalists had misplaced management of their makes an attempt to reconcile science and faith. Their narratives, as soon as supposed to bridge the 2 fields, grew to become highly effective weapons for secularists within the battle for authority in public and political spheres, wielded in opposition to faith. Although some secularists later reconverted to types of Christianity, the harm was completed. The battle narrative had taken maintain, and lots of minds got here to view the connection between science and faith as one in all perpetual antagonism. In time, historians of science would attribute to Draper, White, and the scientific naturalists the founding of what grew to become often known as the Battle Thesis.
Reactions to Draper, White, and different scientific naturalists have been different and complicated. Spiritual liberals have been among the many protagonists, lots of whom went to nice lengths to defend these figures in opposition to accusations of atheism and materialism. These liberal leaders sought to modernize Christianity, guaranteeing it remained in line with the rising scientific worldview, hoping this may stem the erosion of perception. Some even argued that Christianity itself was outdated, suggesting that each bodily and historic sciences had revealed a brand new faith or theology. Spiritual agnostics and scientific naturalists, in flip, weren’t solely conciliatory towards liberal Christianity but additionally drew religious inspiration from its tenets, incorporating them into their very own work.
The antagonists included not solely conservative or orthodox theologians but additionally rationalists and secularists, all of whom rejected the so-called reconciliation between science and faith, although for various causes. The efforts of the “peacemakers” finally failed. Secularists didn’t settle for the redefinitions of faith and the reconstructions of Christianity that males like Draper and White proposed. A paradox emerged of their try to reconcile science and faith: narratives meant to display faith’s progress by way of scientific investigation have been as an alternative seized by rationalists and secularists, who used them as a weapon in opposition to all faith, aiming to eradicate it totally.
[1] See James C. Ungureanu, Science, Faith, and the Protestant Custom: Retracing the Origins of Battle (UPP, 2019).
[2] For a extra detailed evaluation, see James C. Ungureanu, “Science and Faith within the Anglo-American Periodical Press, 1860-1900: A Failed Reconciliation,” Church Historical past, 88:1 (2019): 120-149.
[3] James Turner, With out God, With out Creed, 261.
[4] Leslie Stephen, Research of a Biographer, 2 vols. (London: Duckworth and Co., 1898), 2.76-122.
[5] See Edward Royle, “Freethought: The Faith of Irreligion,” in D.G. Paz (ed.) Nineteenth-Century English Spiritual Traditions: Retrospect and Prospect (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1995), 171-196.
[6] Leigh Eric Schmidt, Village Atheists: How America’s Unbelievers Made Their Approach in a Godly Nation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton College Press, 2016); Christopher Grasso, Skepticism and American Religion: From the Revolution to the Civil Battle (New York: Oxford College Press, 2018).
[7] Louis Greg, “The Agnostic at Church,” Nineteenth Century, vol. 11, no. 59 (Jan 1882): 73-76; Freethinker, vol. 1 (Jan 15, 1882).
[8] Cited in James Moore, The Darwin Legend (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1994), 64-65.
[9] Lightman, Victorian Popularizers of Science, 264.
[10] Richard Bithell to T.H. Huxley, 20 Sept 1894 and T.H. Huxley to Richard Bithell, 22 Sept 1894, T.H Huxley Assortment, Imperial School Archives, Field 11.
[11] See McCabe, Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake, 1.1-17, 18-36; George Jacob Holyoake, The Trial of George Jacob Holyoake on an indictment for blasphemy (London: Printed and Revealed for “The Anti-Persecution Union,” 1842), 20-21.
[12] F.J. Gould, The Pioneers of Johnson’s Court docket: A Historical past of the Rationalist Press Affiliation from 1899 Onwards (London: Watts & Co., 1929); A.G. Whyte, The Story of the R.P.A., 1899-1949 (London: Watts & Co., 1949).
[13] Joseph McCabe, A Biographical Dictionary of Trendy Rationalists (London: Watts & Co, 1920), 221-222, 886-887.
[14] J.M. Robertson, A Historical past of Freethought within the Nineteenth Century, 2 vols. (London: Watts & Co., 1929), 1.261-262. See additionally A Brief Historical past of Freethought: Historical and Trendy (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1899), 420. By 1906, Robertson revised and expanded this work into an enormous two-volume version (London: Watts & Co., 1906). On this version Robertson listed Draper’s Mental Improvement and Historical past of Battle as basic histories of freethought.
[15] J.M. Wheeler, A Biographical Dictionary of Freethinkers of All Ages and Nations (London: Progressive Publishing Co., 1889), 112, 332; S.P. Putnam, 400 Years of Freethought (New York: The Fact Seeker Firm, 1894), 47-50.
[16] Turner, With out God, with out Creed, 171.
[17] See Martin E. Marty, The Infidel: Freethought and American Faith (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1961); Paul A. Carter, The Non secular Disaster of the Gilded Age (DeKalb: Northern Illinois College Press, 1971); and Eric T. Brandt and Timothy Larsen, “The Outdated Atheism Revisited: Robert G. Ingersoll and the Bible,” Journal of the Historic Society, vol. 11, no. 2 (2011): 211-238.